SDF 2015 agenda: Long in sound bite but hollow in
content
The SDF
at its last executive meeting in Bamenda resolved to organize the Burkina
Faso-type demonstration next year to force a return to a single term
presidential mandate renewable once as it was in 2008. The Guardian Post
supports a constitutional amendment in which a president rules for five years
renewable once but we are diametrically opposed to the proposed means by the
SDF. It will fail.
The
Cameroon opposition, fractured into some 300 miniature parties, for egocentric
purposes by every Tom, Dick and Harry who wants to be called a “leader”, is
impossible to unite. The “leading” opposition SDF has also lost the charm of
the glorious days of the Union for Change.
Chairman John
Fru Ndi no longer has the verve to pull the crowds of the 90s while his
SDF, though still incontrovertibly the main opposition party in the country,
continues to decline as its minute minority in the legislature and
councils depicts.
So how is
the chairman going to assemble a teeming mob for a peaceful “revolution” with
an Achilles' heel? At the NEC meeting last week, it was reported that the
party vowed to paralyse the Biya regime in 2015. A strategic team under the
leadership of Fru Ndi who was given the power to appoint more members was
created to effect the needed change next year.
It is not
the first time Chairman Fru Ndi and his party have come out with intrepid
decisions long in screaming sound bite and hollow in short content.
In 1999
when Fru Ndi was at the apex of his popularity, he yelled that the ballot box
had failed to bring change to Cameroon politics. He then promised that the
party would mobilise the opposition into a formidable force to change the
regime in 2000.
Articulate
pundits at the time argued that if the ballot had failed, the next option was
either the bullet or mass demonstration. There is no body in the SDF or other
peace-loving Cameroonians who will opt for the bullet. As for mass demonstrations,
the prospects for mobilization are bleak.
Fru Ndi
is no longer the crowd puller of the 90s. The SDF has shrunk even to the point
of losing grounds to the CPDM in its once dominant North West fief. With that kind of followership, the chairman must
admit that his fire-spitting oratory that lured multitudes of militants has
gone dim.
The SDF
also needs change after decades of stay put leadership to come out with
innovative and pragmatic decisions, not fanciful rhetoric just to attract
headlines.
What for
instance, has the shadow cabinet which was appointed over a decade ago and
remains unreshuffled done or said since members were in office? What was the
party’s position when the fuel subsidies were removed? Where does the SDF
economic position stand towards 2035 emergence? Can the SDF vouch it is more
democratic than the CPDM given, for instance the Tubah and Kumba council
scandals the party dictated that incumbent mayors crushed in free and
fair electoral college elections should be retained? Aren’t those signs
that the SDF can no longer pull the masses to the streets?
The
inability of the SDF to unite the opposition has been Fru Ndi’s insistence of
being the leader rather than the king-maker who himself cannot be king.
The
opposition once came close to getting a deal to challenge incumbent Paul Biya.
Ndam Njoya was elected among the opposition leaders to stand as a unique
candidate. Fru Ndi stormed out and his electoral performance since then has
been below 10 per cent? Cameroon does not have the same scenario like the case
in Burkina Faso which the SDF wants to copy.
The Burkinabe
opposition was united to block a change in the constitution that would have
permitted Blaise Compaore take another term after 27 years in office. Their
opposition leaders had the capability to rally the youths while the security
forces took side with the people. Can it be the same in Cameroon? If the
SDF had the guts there would have done that when the constitution was being
change? They did not and even in a timid demonstration, they were mocked as 'apprentis
sorciers'.
President
Biya is more comfortable with the SDF than the Southern Cameroons National
Council, SCNC. Unlike in the past when Fru Ndi vowed he could talk with Biya
only in the presence of a third party, the chairman long gave up that bluff.
He met
with the president in Bamenda at the 50th anniversary celebration of
the army without a third person. Since then, he has never failed to honour any
presidential invitation; be it at the Unity Palace or at the Ebolowa
agro-pastoral show. Can’t he use such audiences to convince Biya to present a
bill in parliament to return the presidential mandate to two terms?
Just
fresh from celebrating the 32nd anniversary of the president on the
throne, CPDM lackeys are already calling for the president to run again in 2018.
In as
much as The Guardian Post is opposed to the president taking another
term in 2018, we however disagree with the SDF position to attempt to organise
a demonstration. It will not work. If they truly want to rattle the regime, why
don’t they ask their senators, parliamentarians and mayors to resign? Wouldn’t
that embarrass the president who is deputy patron of the Commonwealth
Parliamentary Association to make some concessions?
Is the
SDF sure it can defeat the CPDM even if Biya decides to step aside? What is the
economic programme of the SDF which can be used to tackle the problems of mass
unemployment, corruption, embezzlement and deficit in balance of trade?
It must
be said that the SDF policies, if policies there are, gyrates on “change”. Biya
once asked them what they want to change. We admit the ballot failed in 1992 to
put Fru Ndi on the throne of Unity Palace. Since, then his political fortunes
have fizzled out with changing times while key members of the party who try to
raise a finger against Fru Ndi’s dictatorial powers have been flushed out using
SDF’s obnoxious Article 8.2.
With the
creation of ELECAM, Cameroonians are beginning to build confidence in the power
of the ballot. It would be an up-stream task for Fru Ndi to succeed even to
bring the main opposition leaders to buy their “revolutionary” action.
NUDP
national chairman, Bouba Bello and Ndam Njoya of the UDC and Garga Haman of
ADD, to say the least have become increasingly-suspicious of Fru Ndi. Ayah Paul
who seems more to be titling towards the leadership of the SCNC and Kah Walla,
a former executive member of the SDF will surely not give a hood to Fru Ndi’s
dream “revolution”.
The only
revolution in the Cameroon opposition scene, we believe, is for the chairman
and his sit-tight antiquated members of NEC who have ran out of new ideas to
change their spot with dynamic members rather than continue to make
self-ridiculing pronouncements that will not work.
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