International Criminal Court: The bitter pill African dictators must
swallow
Many
sit-tight African heads of state commit heinous crimes like mass murder,
genocide, ethnic cleansing and gross human rights abuse against their own
citizens perceived to stand on their way to perpetual rule. The International
Criminal Court, ICC, was therefore established to deter such leaders. Thirty
four African countries including Cameroon signed the treaty.
With
majority of those so far tried African presidents, just because they happen to
be more offenders, they are now crying wolf.
The
lamentations got to a crescendo following last week’s appearance of Kenya’s
serving president, Uhuru Kenyatta at The Hague to defend himself against
charges that he was involved in their 2007 post-election violence that led to
the dead of over 1000 people.
Lacking
some key documents which only the Kenyan government could produce and in the
absence of witnesses, the prosecution asked for an indefinite adjournment. In
his submission, Prosecutor Benjamin Gumpert expressed regret that:"we have
run out of hooks on which we can hang any particular date. The only realistic
order is if the court is minded to adjourn is that we don't know when this case
will resume. But we believe that justice demands that it should not be
terminated now in the light of this obstruction, the only realistic order we
can make is to adjourn the case without a date.”
Taking
advantage of the loophole, Kenyatta’s lawyer, Steven Kay asked for the case to
be thrown out. “My client is head of state, but also an accused with rights.
His position as head of state is only relevant if there are any allegations of
wrongdoing," he argued.
Kay
further asked the judges to drop the charges as it was the prosecution's
failure to provide witnesses and the supporting documents. “You have the
admission of the insufficiency of the evidence in the case...my submission
brings us to this position that the case has failed and it has failed in a way
that there is no prospect of going further," Kay asserted.
Legal
pundits say as president of Kenya, Kenyatta would surely not allow documents
that will incriminate him out of the country. The persecution’s submission for
an indefinite adjournment may just be to hope that he could be hooked once he
quits power.
It is
doubtful if Kenyatta would have so confidently appeared at the tribunal if he
knew the documents were at The Hague. Being docked, even when he uttered no
word, however brought to the front burner the debate for African leaders to
back out of the treaty.
Mozambique
president, Museveni was the most vitriolic critic of the ICC defending not only
the post election violence in Kenya but those in “other African countries”,
Cameroon inclusive.
He used
the 52th anniversary of his county’s independence celebration to
describe post election killings as “first and foremost, ideological.” He added
that: “For the ICC to handle electoral violence as just legal matters is the
highest level of shallowness’’. He then urged his African peers to review their
membership of the ICC, which he condemned for being biased and an
"instrument of post-colonial hegemony".
Museveni said
the African Union assembly of heads of state that sat in Addis Ababa last year
passed a resolution that was also tabled before the UN Security Council for
Africa to pull out but it was ignored. “My view is that at the next summit, African countries should review
their membership of the ICC treaty. The ICC is turning out not to be the
value-addition product that we had expected it to be," Museveni added.
Former
Liberian president, Charles Tarlor who was tricked to resign and later got 50
years at the ICC which he is serving in the United Kingdom was the first high
profile African to be convicted. The former Ivorian head of state, Laurent
Gbadbo is also on trial at the ICC while the noose is tightening over the head
of Sudanese president and his brands who inflict tragedies of human haemorrhage
on the governed under the shield of “state security”.
Acerbic
critics of ICC want an African court. But for the exponent of such a
continental tribunal to make a point, they must show proof that such a court will
have the authority to try sit-tight presidents who would not mind
cleansing the entire opposition just to glue themselves to power till death do
them part.
But do
African leaders have that will power to establish such an impartial criminal
court? If the judiciary is not free in many African countries, what
is the guarantee that an African Court will have the nerve to try and convict
serving heads of state who are known to kill and indiscriminately brutalise
even peaceful demonstrators?
Africans
may have some iota of evidence to suggest that the ICC looks elsewhere when it
concerns other countries out of the continent. Amnesty international has in
their reports accused the Israelites of using chemical weapons indiscriminately
in their wars with Gaza. On the other hand, Gaza is also blamed by the same
human rights defenders for firing rockets at random into Israeli. Would these
two parties, just to name a few, not have been pulled to the ICC if they were
Africans?
In as
much as The Guardian Post is not holding defence for the atrocities of
African leaders complaining of the ICC jurisdiction, it must be said that any
leader who governs according to the rule of law, democracy, respect for human
rights, separation of power and peaceful alternation of power needs not fear
the ICC. It is a court of law with its verdicts usually based on
incontrovertible proof.
Those who
cry foul are leaders who have rotten skeletons in their presidential closets
and are prepared to use any means including the barrel of the gun rather than
the ballot to rig elections, manipulate legislators to change the constitutions
at will, waiting only to die in power.
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